“Electability” bedevils Democratic Presidential electoral politics like nothing else. It brought us John Kerry over “unelectable” Howard Dean. It brought us the Governor of the balanced-budget “Massachusetts Miracle,” Michael Dukakis. While it may seem a funny aside how the “electability” factor seems to keep leading us to Massachusetts, the fact is that it more often tends to lead us to failure, and that's because of what Democrats have really meant when they've said “electability.” From Kinsley last time around:
“I only care about one thing,” they all say. “Which of these guys can beat Bush?” Secretly, they believe none of them can, which makes the amateur pragmatism especially poignant.
Nevertheless, Democrats persevere. They ricochet from candidate to candidate, hoping to smell a winner. In effect, they give their proxy to the other party. “If I was a Republican,” they ask themselves, “which of these Democratic candidates would I be most likely to vote for?”
Kinsley only brushes up against the implicit inferiority complex in this mindgame. The subtext that leftist ideas can never win. That in a fair fight, the right will win because it's their country, not ours – but we're stuck here and have to put up with them. A big part of the almost messianic quality of Dean's following in '04 was his message that this was a bogus assumption; that we should be proud of our policies, programs and priorities because they are America's policies, programs and priorities, regardless of what the traditional media would have you believe and internalize. While the message didn't have enough power to turn the inferiority complex on its head in a single election season, it has undeniably altered the Democratic Party and begun chipping away at the greater media narrative.
Still, we are all again becoming concerned about electability, and speaking for or against candidates in implied terms of their appeal (or lack thereof) to GOP voters. What's different is that there are other, often more nuanced forms of electability being discussed this time around than in the past, and parsing out when these more nuanced arguments have merit, versus when they're simply a back-door re-entry to the same old losing patterns and inferiority complexes is trickier.
On the flip side is a quick list of why our candidates are electable and unelectable….
On Clinton's electability: She's a Clinton, and everybody loves a Clinton.
On Clinton's unelectability: She's Hillary Clinton and everybody hates Hillary Clinton.
(Okay, that one was boring.)
On Obama's electability: More personally inspiring than other canididates on either side, positive message/vibe.
On Obama's unelectability: Polling a bit lower in swing states in head-to-head matchups compared to Clinton and Edwards, fueling a “America still won't elect a black president” hubbub.
Obama is unique in that arguments on both sides are about who he is and how he plays, versus what he's saying. In truth, there is something to watch in that regard, inasmuch as it affects those last few percantage points of the electorate that takes pride in staying undecided before the TV interviewers and pollsters until Election Day itself. That crowd really doesn't care about policy, treating elections as a reality show. Unfortunately, they have an annoying tendency to sway election results. Maybe Obama becomes the best one to tip the balance of that crowd.
On Edwards's electability: Handsome southern white guy. Populist rhetoric appeals to independents.
On Edwards's unlelectability: Edwards had no categorical unelectability narratives against him until recently. His decision to go the public financing route has him put into a position, seen by many, as being straitjacketed by the restrictions and disbursement schedule of the public financing regime. As many see it (and rightfully so), it would put him extraordinarily vulnerable during much of 2008 in the current era of mega-political-fundraising (or as some have said, he's be bringing a knife to a gunfight).
Supporters have suggested that the Party and the 527 groups could fill in the gap, but to many that's not enough (and it's going in the wrong direction). Here's Markos of dKos, who has basically given up on Edwards after the news:
527s allow for unlimited contributions, and the donors don't have to be publicly disclosed.
Party committees, like the DNC, can take contributions of $28,500 per individual.
You can't claim your guy is a real mensch for taking a stand for publicly financed elections, then claim that the big dollars of the 527s and the DNC will bail your guy out.
What has the better chance of buying influence? Bundled $2,300 contributions, or bundled $28,500 ones? Or even better yet, a million dollar check to a 527 run by insider party operatives?
That's why I passionately believe in candidates funded by small-dollar contributions, beholden to people, not big dollar donors. And while we're not quite there yet, and have a lot of work to get there, Edwards isn't doing anything this cycle to get us there. In fact, shutting out small-dollar donors and pushing for bigger dollar ones to the DNC and 527 would be a step backwards.
It's a shame, since his nationwide matchups look pretty good, and he could expand the map beyond Obama or Clinton. But that won't happen after he gets hit with $150 million in attack ads over the summer from his opponent plus whatever the RNC and conservative 527s throw at him. The DNC and progressive 527s will be able to close some of that gap, but a disparity of $100 million or more is still likely. And I'm not willing to bet on poor GOP fundraising to bail Edwards out of his inability to respond.
It's compelling on a lot of levels (Philip – now do you get why I wanted to wait until all the facts were in before making an endorsement??? Sheesh…). It also leads into the current state of the “electability” argument as it applies to the rest of the field. Whatever global narratives primary voters may have made about the supposed unelectability of candidates like Kucinich (too wacky with all the new age stuff), Biden (the history of plagiarism), Dodd (too New England), Gravel (too much a party of one) or Richardson (too gaffe-prone to be ready for the big time), its the money issue that trumps all those arguments now. The conventional wisdom is that they simply can't win now because they haven't passed the ongoing money primary.
But there's also the ethical flip side of Markos's more practical argument. Sure, if Edwards wins and successfully diverts funding to these other sources, that's bigger money and less transparency – and that's bad.
On the other hand, accepting that implicitly locks in the money primary the most important part of the election – and that primary is decided before a single vote is cast.
It's a far more complex and nuanced “electability” argument than we've heard in the past, and is therefore harder to dismiss than electibility canards of the past (or for that matter, the paper-thin electability arguments currently leveled against Obama and Clinton). And I'll admit, its thrown me for a loop.
But I'm not quite ready to go there yet. Four years ago I eschewed categorical concerns over a candidate's electability on principle, and it still feels to me that that way lies madness. I'm going to cling to this notion that content matters – that the system fails us if we fail it, by not voting for the candidate we feel best represents us.
So my advice to other non-Obama or Clinton voters? The hell with the money. Vote for Richardson, Edwards, Biden, Kucinich, Gravel – whoever – if they're the candidate that speaks to you. Give the financial-electability questions no more heed than you would give the “he's too black” or “she's too Hillary” electibility questions as an Obama or Clinton supporter. That's not what it's supposed to be about, so let's do what little we can not to let it be about that.
But you'll forgive me if I still remain very, very worried about Edwards's decision…